Yet again, Israel seems to act with impunity when it breaks international law.
It's a basic principle: you are not allowed to board a foreign vessel, seize it and kidnap the crew in international waters. Imagine the furore if say, Iran or Yemen had done this.
Under the Law of the Sea, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the unauthorised boarding and detention of civilians by a state actor in international waters is a serious breach of international law.
And, given that it was flying under a British flag and given his position so far on the Gaza conflict, I wouldn't want to be Sir Kier Starmer this morning.
1. Jurisdiction in International Waters
2. Illegal Boarding and Detention
3. Is It an Act of War?
4. What Could It Be Considered Instead?
So in this context, here’s what happened this morning (9 June 2025) regarding the MV Madleen: Overview of Today’s Incident
Legal and Political Context
Immediate Aftermath & International Reaction
What This Means Next
The legal stakes of Israel's interception of the MV Madleen in international waters are complex and serious. Here’s a breakdown of the main legal frameworks and how this act could be interpreted: 1. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) General Rule:
Legal Exceptions to Interception: Under Article 110, a warship may board a foreign ship on the high seas only if:
None of these exceptions seem to apply to the MV Madleen, a British-flagged humanitarian vessel.
In accordance with the San Remo Manual (1994) Israel claims a naval blockade of Gaza, which it argues gives it the right to intercept ships breaching it, even in international waters, if:
Legal Debate
If the MV Madleen was lawfully trying to breach a legal blockade, Israel may claim its action was legitimate, but this is heavily contested internationally. 3. Detention of Civilians and Humanitarian Workers
If excessive force or mistreatment is proven, individual state responsibility or personal liability may apply under international law.
Political and Diplomatic Consequences
Legally, Israel's interception of the MV Madleen likely violated UNCLOS, unless it can defend the blockade’s lawfulness and necessity.
Politically, this is a highly charged and risky move that could further erode Israel’s international standing.
The balance between security and humanitarian law is at the heart of the legal stakes.
The legality of Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza, which underpins its justification for intercepting ships like the MV Madleen, is disputed under international law.
Legal Framework:
The San Remo Manual on International Law Applicable to Armed Conflicts at Sea (1994) While not a treaty, the San Remo Manual reflects widely accepted customary international law and outlines when a blockade is lawful. Requirements for a Lawful Blockade:
Israel’s Position
Israel imposed the blockade on Gaza in 2007, citing Hamas control and the threat of weapons smuggling.
Opposing Legal Views
Many international bodies and legal scholars dispute the legality of the blockade:
Disproportionate Harm:
Collective Punishment:
Denial of Humanitarian Access:
UN and ICRC Views:
Key Legal Precedents
There is no unified international legal consensus. Some institutions uphold the blockade’s legality under certain conditions; others call it a breach of international law. Given that the MV Madleen was a British-flagged vessel boarded by a foreign military in international waters, the UK government is entitled, if not obligated, to respond strongly, both diplomatically and legally. Here are the key elements of what a measured but firm UK response could (and arguably should) include: 1. Official Diplomatic Protest
Why:
Legal Review and Potential Action
Possible Legal Actions:
Multilateral Pressure
Why:
Protecting Future UK-Flagged Vessels
Red Lines and Reputational Stakes Failure to respond forcefully would:
And what about the UK Government and Starmer?
The seizure of the MV Medleen, a British-flagged vessel has thrust Sir Keir Starmer into one of the most politically combustible dilemmas of his leadership, one where any action, or lack thereof, carries significant consequences. The UK’s response, if it is to align with its own legal and ethical standards, must be firm, lawful, and multilateral. It must demonstrate a commitment to the law of the sea, protect its citizens and maritime rights, and prevent future violations through coordinated diplomatic pressure. Anything short of this would suggest a dereliction of duty by the UK Government and imply tacit complicity in violations of international law.
In this moment, silence is not neutrality, it is betrayal. Were the perpetrator any nation other than Israel, there would be loud condemnation and swift action. The failure to respond firmly risks sending a chilling signal: that the UK is willing to overlook breaches of international law when committed by allies.
Such inaction, especially amid credible allegations of war crimes, suggests moral abdication and geopolitical favouritism. For Starmer, the political stakes are even higher. If his government fails to act decisively, it may be seen as endorsing or enabling war crimes, a grave charge that would severely damage the UK’s credibility. But if he does act forcefully, it would raise difficult questions about why the UK has not done so earlier. Such a shift would effectively admit that the UK has been shielding Israel from scrutiny, undermining the ICC and UN positions it claims to support. This is particularly perilous given the UK’s long-standing commitment to freedom of navigation and international maritime law. Inaction now, in the face of growing international concern over Gaza and ongoing ICC investigations, risks being seen as political alignment over principle and deeply corrosive to the UK’s standing on human rights and the rules-based international order.
If the government chooses a more assertive stance, it could open the door to scrutiny of its previous inconsistencies. These include past votes against ICC investigations into Israel, continued arms sales despite ICJ warnings, and muted responses to flotilla raids and civilian casualties in Gaza. A robust response now could appear to be too little, too late: an implicit admission that strategic interests have long trumped moral consistency.
Starmer also faces a domestic political minefield. Labour’s base, particularly its youth factions and trade unions, are growing increasingly vocal in their demands for principled leadership. Any perceived weakness or equivocation may fracture internal support. Yet a firm stand could jeopardise sensitive relations with Israel and the United States. Starmer is caught between the UK's legal obligations and its entangling alliances, with little room to manoeuvre without damage.
Perhaps an independent inquiry might offer Starmer a way to reclaim the moral high ground, allowing him to 'review the facts' without overt condemnation. He could reaffirm respect for the ICC while framing the response in a multilateral context via the UN or EU. But the appetite for nuance is waning. His characteristic Fence-sitting may only reinforce perceptions of hypocrisy and moral failure, further feeding narratives of complicity in what some legal experts now describe as genocide. A a former Director of Public Prosecutions, he clearly cannot claim ignorance of the nuances of international law. In the court of public opinion, and possibly even the ICC, the stakes for Starmer are rapidly escalating. His government's next move will not just define the UK’s position on this crisis, it may define his legacy.
The world has gone mad. If you enjoyed reading this, please feel free to look at the rest of the blogs on www.TetleysTLDR.com. They're free to view, there's no paywall, they aren't monetised and I won't ask you to buy me a coffee. Also please free to share anything you find of interest, we only get the message out if people are aware of it. Just a leftie, standing in front of another leftie, asking to be read. All the best, Tetley